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Torture, rape, abuse: New Palestinian testimonies reveal horrors of Israel's prisons
Torture, rape, abuse: New Palestinian testimonies reveal horrors of Israel's prisons
By Ahmed Basyouni, The New Arab, 14 November 2024
In-depth: Harrowing testimonies from Tariq Abed and Al-Araby TV journalist Mohammed Arab reveal shocking details of torture, rape, and abuse in Israeli jails.
Since Israel's war on Gaza began last October, thousands of Palestinians, including residents, medical staff, patients, and captured fighters have been detained and taken to Israel, usually shackled and blindfolded, according to the UN.
Within Israel's network of prisons, Palestinians face arbitrary, prolonged, and incommunicado detention, with documented evidence of horrific torture, rape, abuse, and other cruel and degrading treatment. At Least 53 Palestinians have died in Israeli jails over the past year as a result of these conditions.
The number of prisoners detained from Gaza is in addition to the 11,600 Palestinians currently held in Israeli jails.
Al-Araby Al-Jadeed, The New Arab's Arabic-language sister edition, has published the testimonies of two Palestinian detainees held in Israel's prison network since the war began.
Tariq Abed and Al-Araby TV correspondent Mohammed Arab were detained in Gaza eight months ago. Their testimonies were taken by two lawyers - Khaled Mahajna and 'M. A.' - who visited the prisoners in Ofer jail on 14 July 2024.
This is journalist Mohammed Arab's second testimony and Tariq Abed's first.
Mohammed Arab was transferred to Ofer Prison on 2 July 2024 after being interviewed by lawyers on 19 June 2024. The testimony he gave, which was aired on Al-Araby TV, caused global outrage, leading to calls to close the notorious Sde Teiman army base due to crimes against humanity and war crimes being committed there.
A number of Israeli soldiers were also referred for investigation.
Warning: This article contains details of graphic sexual violence and torture that readers may find upsetting
Mohammed Arab's second testimony
(When Mohammed Arab came in to be interviewed he was blindfolded and his wrists and ankles were shackled. He was wearing clean clothes, which contrasted with the initial visit on 19 June).
How are you, Mohammed? Are you OK? We want to tell you we have spoken with your family, your children are OK, they say hello, and say they can't wait to see you
Mohammed Arab: My family are still alive? Thank God for their safety…I am not OK. I underwent exhausting interrogation and continuous questioning after your last visit before I was transferred.
Did you know I was brought here a few days after your visit? Three soldiers took me for questioning in another ward. Every question concerned what I'd said to you in the interview [...]
They threatened to torture me - on top of the relentless beating. Their final threat was that they'd kill me for the leaks aired on Al-Araby TV, and how the world exploded at what was happening in Sde Teiman prison.
(Mohammed didn't know he was in Ofer prison when asked if he knew where he was)
I believe I'm in Sofa camp near Gaza, no?
You're in Ofer military prison in Ramallah
MA: It seems they don't intend to let me go. They took us in Israeli army vehicles, me and 100 other prisoners, we were blindfolded […]
Are you still being medically neglected? Are you still being tortured? Interrogated?
MA: What happened to us in Sde Teiman is still happening to us here, but to varying degrees. Like last time, there are threats of beating if we make any movement; we’re forbidden from talking, from turning or raising our heads.
We're still being beaten - we're beaten like it's the first day of our arrest, every day is like day one in everything, the pain, the screaming, the torture, the interrogation, we haven't got used to it and we haven't acclimatised.
There are over 100 sick prisoners here with me, all of them from Gaza. Some have chronic diseases, some have been injured under torture, and all of them scream from the pain, as there is no treatment.
They beat us exactly where it hurts […]. Firstly I want to tell you what happened after your visit. What I saw I can't believe even now.
Do you mean in Sde Teiman prison? What happened?
MA: Yes…one day after your visit, a group of soldiers came with dogs, they came to where we were. They selected prisoners at random from every age group … children, young men, old men. They made them lie on the ground, face down, their hands tied behind their heads.
They made the dogs attack them, tearing at the skin and flesh of the prisoners […], then they stood them up and put them in a corner where there was a big "iron window". They put [the prisoners'] hands on the window, then began beating them on their backs, their buttocks, and their legs from behind.
Then they set the dogs on them again, and then one of the soldiers tried to get one of the dogs to rape one of the prisoners! They teach their dogs to have sex with prisoners! Can you imagine?
(Mohammed Arab went silent briefly, then carried on hesitantly)
They raped prisoners in front of my eyes, they killed prisoners in front of my eyes!
How? They raped prisoners? You mean they brought female soldiers and stripped the men for example? Do you know who was killed? Do you know who was raped?
MA: No! There were no female soldiers there at all, they brought a prisoner they selected randomly; his name is 'H.M.' and they started torturing him until his screaming echoed in the space - they were hitting him viciously.
Then they stripped him naked, put his body on the ground, and lifted up his buttocks then they brought a fire extinguisher, and started beating his backside with it. Then they inserted the fire nozzle into his anus and opened it…they raped him with a fire extinguisher, and they emptied it inside him, they were saying to him in broken Arabic: "We want to put out your pain and make you forget it"…then he lost consciousness.
They transferred him with me here, and he is in a bad psychological state, in shock until now - he doesn't speak to anyone.
They attacked another prisoner called "J.M." in the same way - they beat him and abused him, and brought in dogs to rape him. They stripped him naked and put the dogs on top of him, they were ripping at his flesh, then a soldier came carrying an "electrical baton", which emitted high-voltage electric shocks, and they started beating the prisoner on his genitals.
One of the prisoners, from the "S" family - an older man of around sixty who had health problems - was always asking them for treatment and asking to be transferred to a hospital or the health ward.
They ignored his request. The soldiers assaulted him because he wasn't sitting correctly, they beat him savagely until he lost consciousness. They then kept beating him, until he died in their hands. When they realised he was dead, they picked him up and took him to an unknown location - no one knows anything about him.
(A soldier entered and said it was the end of the visit)
Tariq Abed's testimony
Tariq Abed is a prisoner from the Gaza Strip. He was kidnapped over 160 days ago, kept in an Israeli military camp in the Gaza envelope for 45 days, and then taken to an unknown location for 20 days. When asked about where he was before, he said he didn't know, but that he had been in Ofer since 4 August 2024.
He was interrogated once. The questions were about Hamas, rockets, and fighters, and were accompanied by beating and torture. To each question he would answer: I'm a civilian, I'm a civilian. Tariq was brought before a court once during the month of Ramadan, and the interview was conducted via a soldier's smartphone.
The judge extended his detention indefinitely, on charges of communicating and dealing with Hamas.
How are you? Are you ok?
Tariq Abed: I'm not OK, thanks be to God for all his trials. They torture us constantly, they beat everyone all the time, there is no place to rest here. I don't know what we've done to deserve all this death, beating and torture! How [would they be] if it were us occupying them? How [would they be] if it were us besieging them and killing them?
We're sorry to hear this, we hope that God will ease for all of us, as you said, this trial. Can you tell us about your situation in the prison?
TA: Compared to what I hear from prisoners they've transferred here? I'm in bliss! Ofer prison differs to prisons I've been in before, in appearance.
It consists of small concrete rooms, without any ventilation, and each room is around 6x5 metres in size. The room contains iron bedframes, and 16 prisoners are in each [room]. The beds have no mattresses or pillows, and there are no blankets. At times, the number of prisoners in the room rises to around 25 [...]
There is a small opening in the room's door which is used to give food to us. Most of the time our wrists are tied. The food is passed through this opening (he gestures towards the opening in the door), and we eat while our hands are still tied. Some of the others eat like camels, God strengthen them, as their hands were broken.
The food is terrible, even worse than in previous prisons I've been in […] each prisoner gets 100g of bread, a cucumber or a tomato, and a small bag of yoghurt, and this meal is given to us three times a day as breakfast, lunch, dinner.
In the rooms, the toilet is exposed to everyone and we relieve ourselves in front of each other. The toilet is the Arab type, not the Western type. The rooms are monitored by cameras which stay on overlooking the toilet. There's a tap over the cubicle, but the water from it is drinking water… We're only allowed to shower for one minute. My clothes have only been changed once since I arrived, so there's no point in showering if your clothes themselves are dirty… so I am not dishonest, I did change my shirt and had a haircut a few weeks ago.
How were you and the prisoners treated? Were you tortured?
TA: During Ramadan, they said to us: "We've prepared a play for you"…they brought three Qurans into the room we were in. Then they chose three young men, made them sit on clean mattresses, and took pictures and videos of them like that. When this ended, the officer started ripping up the Qurans in front of the prisoners, before trampling on them.
In Ofer, there are two wards which the soldiers called "Hell" and "Purgatory", which are designated for torture.
We can't see what happens from inside the rooms, but we hear the screaming of other prisoners being tortured.
A few days ago, the prisoners in rooms 5, 6 and 7 were badly beaten. The soldiers went in with their dogs and attacked all the prisoners, breaking the hands of most of them.
I was in the opposite room and watched what was happening through the small opening and heard the prisoners' screams and the sounds of the assault. I heard them crying. The reason for the beating was that they were making noise.
The soldiers are always coming in wearing masks, uttering obscene insults, mocking our symptoms, cursing God and religion, insulting Islam, describing us with the worst words, and threatening us with rape and murder.
They have raped prisoners here, sexually humiliated them, and filmed everything. There was a prisoner called "M.N." who had been suffering from severe pains in his body for days. He asked to be taken to the clinic, and he was taken, but instead of receiving treatment, he was beaten and then returned to his place, and whenever he cried out from the pain, they beat him more.
(A soldier entered, and said it was the end of the visit and took Tariq)
This is an edited translation from our Arabic edition. To read the original article click here.
Translated by Rose Chacko
Disclaimer
The opinion expressed in this aper is that of the author and does not necessarily reflect that of the CEMAS Board.
Ceaseless hours in northern Gaza
Ceaseless hours in northern Gaza
By SHAHD ABUSALAMA, Declassified UK, 15 October 2024
ISRAELI OCCUPIED GAZA - My family is experiencing what they say is ‘the worst stage of genocide’ as Israel attempts to empty and annex northern Gaza.
Jabalia Refugee Camp in northern Gaza, where I was born and raised, has been facing relentless, indiscriminate Israeli bombing, targeting concentrations of displaced Palestinians.
Entire neighbourhoods have been razed to the ground. Torn bodies are bleeding to death in the streets or amongst the rubble while paramedics and firefighters are denied safe passage to evacuate the killed and injured.
The remaining survivors in my family there have been displaced multiple times, with some of them besieged inside their homes under heavy and constant bombardment. They are dispersed, dispossessed and grieving their losses while expecting to be the next victim of Israel’s killing machines at any moment.
My family have been experiencing what they describe as “the worst stage of genocide”. This is contrary to the misleading news of Israel classifying Gaza as a “secondary battleground” and shifting most of its military resources to fight Hezbollah on its northern front in Lebanon.
It feels like genocide is being repeated all over again, but on a wider scale and at a faster pace, undeterred and unlimited to any boundaries.
Nearly half a million Palestinian refugees have remained north of the Gaza Valley, resisting Israel’s criminal “evacuation” orders — the forced displacement and dispossession of Palestinians which re-escalated soon after 7 October 2023.
Those refugees include most of my uncles, aunts, cousins and their children, dear neighbours, teachers and childhood friends. They refused to follow Israel’s orders to “head south” because the Nakba (Catastrophe) of 1948 and uninterrupted violence that shaped their lives ever since taught them that perceived temporary displacement can become a permanent reality.
Israel’s collective punishment which they have been enduring for resisting forced displacement, leaves me at loss for words to give justice to its gruesome and apocalyptic nature.
Siege
Earlier this month, on 5 October, for the third time since the beginning of the Gaza genocide, Israeli forces imposed a siege on northern Gaza, including the areas of Beit Hanoun, Beit Lahia, Jabalia Refugee Camp and Jabalia Town, completely segregating it from the south.
Since 1 October they have also cut off all humanitarian supplies to the north, leaving people to die if not by bombs, then by forced starvation.
This brutal siege is part of the “Generals’ plan” which would, if successful, “change the reality” on the ground in Gaza, as reportedly described by retired Israeli General Giora Eiland. He has envisioned emptying northern Gaza of civilians and starving out or killing anyone who stays as a legitimate “target”.
While Israeli media are publicly speaking about Israel’s ambitions to empty and annex northern Gaza, Western media continue to repeat its official talking lines, presenting this third major invasion of the area in terms of “self-defence” to eliminate the regrouped Palestinian resistance.
Last month, in a closed meeting between members of the Israeli parliament’s Foreign Affairs and Defence Committee, Eiland proposed this siege plan as an “effective military tactic” to “destroy Hamas”. “What matters to [recently assassinated Hamas leader Yahya] Sinwar is land and dignity, and with this manoeuvre, you take away both land and dignity”, he said.
This “Generals’ Plan” is now playing itself out for people in northern Gaza, including the surviving members of my family.
Unimaginable times
In my previous article for Declassified, I reported Israel’s killing of my cousin Yousef on 1 November 2023, for whom we continue to grieve amid the consistent shrinking of my extended family.
In an unanticipated turn of events, however, Yousef’s younger brother Wasim and his wife Mona welcomed their first baby on 7 October 2024 amid this recent siege on northern Gaza. They called their newborn boy Yousef, insisting on his memory as a reminder of our people’s desire to live and determination to ensure justice, freedom and dignity for future generations.
Baby Yousef arrived during unimaginable times that led to the displacement of his family twice in the span of one week.
He is one of 22 relatives now crammed together in a partially destroyed house in Gaza City that was left abandoned by its original owners.
With no access to clean water, food or other necessities of survival, Mona’s wounds from the birth of Yousef are not healing, causing inflammations, extreme pain and breastfeeding difficulties.
Her stitches from birth keep reopening because of malnutrition and lack of sanitation and medical care.
Israeli drones
Amidst anxiety over the survival of Mona and the newborn baby, an eight year-old cousin, Ilyas, sustained severe injuries in the Beach Camp, located along the Mediterranean Sea coastline in northern Gaza.
Shortly after escaping Jabalia Refugee Camp to what they hoped would be a safer place, an Israeli drone targeted Ilyas while playing marbles with other children in Beach Camp, leaving five killed, most of whom were children and elderly people.
Despite Ilyas’ critical physical condition and mental health, he was released from Gaza’s Al-Ahli Baptist hospital four days later as the facility is increasingly overwhelmed with a constant flood of injured people amid Israel’s mounting atrocities.
The burden on Ilyas’ family doesn’t end here. Ilyas is the youngest brother of Abood Abusalama, one of my closest cousins who has been tirelessly working from northern Gaza as a frontline reporter. At times, he has been my only channel of communication with family survivors when Israel cuts off telecommunications.
Abood has been busy documenting atrocities that didn’t spare children of his own family or his colleagues.
Targeting journalists
This latest ethnic cleansing campaign on Jabalia has been accompanied by escalating and deliberate targeting of journalists in northern Gaza, showing that Israel wants to suppress the truth about what is happening.
In a single day, 9 October, Abood documented Israel’s killing of Mohamed al-Tanani, a cameraman for Al-Aqsa TV, and the maiming of his colleague Tamer Lubbad and Fadi al-Wahidi, a cameraman for Al Jazeera Arabic.
Despite constant risks, he continues to do what he deems a duty towards his people, who have been practically abandoned by the international community, particularly Western mainstream media which continue to offer lip service to Israel’s mounting crimes.
In a report published in September, Gaza’s health ministry released information on 34,344 Palestinians killed in attacks by Israeli forces between October 2023 and 31 August this year, in a continuously rising death toll that has now surpassed 42,500.
Some 11,300 of out of the more than 14,100 children killed were also identified, 20 percent of whom were born and killed during the genocide.
If we follow the logic presented by the July 2024 Lancet report, the real number of deaths could have exceeded 200,000 by now.
Systematic elimination
It has never been as crystal clear that Israel is systematically eliminating the Palestinians from their land under the rubric of eliminating Hamas.
Even as Israel proclaimed “victory” for the elimination of Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar in the southern district of Rafah, and allies from the US to the UK and Germany rushed to offer their congratulations, news of endless massacres continued to flood in from northern Gaza.
As genocide continues to accelerate and claim more innocent lives with each passing day, it seems as if Israel has concluded that the only way to exist as a settler-colonial and apartheid state is through perpetual mass extermination and devastation of the Palestinian people, and any Arab opposition.
Israel cannot expect to get away with committing a genocide against a whole people they have repeatedly dispossessed, occupied and demeaned since their existence on their ethnic cleansing, with no consequences.
This genocide, often described as the most-televised genocide in history, will be imprinted in the minds of generations to come, and that is not limited to the Palestinians, but will include every person of conscience. Oppression breeds resistance, and such unprecedented terror can only be met by a more determined resistance.
Author
Dr. Shahd Abusalama is a Palestinian scholar, activist and artist, born and raised in Jabalia Refugee Camp, northern Gaza. Her Ph.D. from Sheffield Hallam University explored the historical representations of Gaza and its refugees in documentary films, and will be published by Bloomsbury this year, under the title, ‘Between Reality and Documentary’.
Disclaimer
The opinion expressed in this aper is that of the author and does not necessarily reflect that of the CEMAS Board.
American Jewish activists lead march to White House over Israel's 'genocide' on Gaza
'Not in our name': American Jewish activists lead march to White House over Israel's 'genocide' on Gaza
By Brooke Anderson, Washington, The New Arab, 17 October 2023
One of the demonstrators, 80-year-old Joyce Ravitz, was blunt about why she'd shown up. "Genocide. I'm terrified that the Israelis want to commit genocide. Since the state of Israel was founded, they've been killing Palestinians," she told TNA.
On Monday afternoon, 16 October, a coalition of progressive US Jews led more than a thousand people on a march to the White House to demonstrate against the Israeli blockade and new war on Gaza.
The gathering, which began at Farragut Square in downtown Washington, DC, brought together mainly leftist Jews, led by IfNotNow and Jewish Voice for Peace, and Palestinians and others.
Demonstrators of all ages, including the elderly and pregnant women, held various signs, many of which reference Jewish support for human rights.
One of the largest was displayed at the park's centre, which read, "Never again is now," a reminder of the words widely used since the Holocaust, "Never again."
The gathering took place just over a week after Hamas launched a surprise attack on Israel from Gaza, prompting a severe response by Israel, with a blockade already in place and a ground war appearing imminent. This has prompted fears among many of a genocide in Gaza.
Rabbi Miriam Grossman of congregation Kolot Chayeinu in Brooklyn, New York, gave an impassioned speech that seemed to capture the mood of a crowd that was simultaneously grappling with lives lost and trying to prevent further loss of life.
"My heart is with each of you here today. My heart is especially with each of you who is mourning the death and the murder of a loved one," she said, noting the thousands of recent deaths of Israelis and Palestinians.
"We face a cycle of death and violence and fear that existed long before last week but that is only becoming more entrenched in this moment. We are here, not only to mourn and pray. We are here to fight back. We are here as American Jews to tell our government: Not in our name," said the rabbi, eliciting chants from the crowd repeating the words: Not in our name.
The speeches were followed by traditional Jewish songs in Hebrew, with one of the speakers reminding the crowd that the language had been used for liturgical purposes long before the state of Israel was established.
As the demonstrators got ready to march to the White House, with some planning on practising civil disobedience by blocking the building's entrances, an organiser assured the crowd that they would be offered legal and medical support should they face arrest.
One of the demonstrators, 80-year-old Joyce Ravitz, was blunt about why she'd shown up. "Genocide. I'm terrified that the Israelis want to commit genocide. Since the state of Israel was founded, they've been killing Palestinians," she told The New Arab as she marched with her nephew towards the White House.
Ravitz said she became involved in peace movements following a trip in her early teens to Israel, where she saw Arabs living in poverty while Jews were living much better.
"I was raised a Zionist," she said. "History is so important. As an adult, I learn more and more about Israeli history."
She sees Israel as an important factor in the rise of Hamas due to the country's treatment of the Palestinians.
"Because of the way they treat Palestinians, I can completely understand people being attracted to violence. I'm completely against violence. I'm completely against what Hamas did and completely against what Israel has been doing for 70-some years," she said.
She added, "It's really good to see so many people here today. I'm really happy about that. I suspect on Wednesday there will be even more."
As the crowd marched to the White House, they alternated between various chants. When they reached the premises, they broke into at least two groups, unfurling large banners reading: Ceasefire.
As a smaller break-out group steadfastly stood by the entrance, the police called for backup. Eventually, as expected, several were arrested for blocking entrances to the White House, part of what appeared to be a larger plan of getting those in the building to talk about the conflict.
A larger Jewish-led march in support of Palestinian civilians in Gaza is planned for Wednesday in the US capital.
'Fortress Europe' is the root cause for strains in EU-Africa relations
'Fortress Europe' is the root cause for strains in EU-Africa relations
By Shada Islam and Yasmine Akrimi
BRUSSELS - The search for an elusive "partnership of equals" between African states and the European Union remains a slow, unsteady and increasingly challenging work in progress.
Relations have been soured by disagreements over the unequal distribution of Covid-19 vaccines and the EU's shock at African states' hands-off policy towards Russia's war in Ukraine. EU hopes of engaging in connectivity diplomacy through the rolling out of Global Gateway projects in Africa are also being challenged by the fact that initiatives come with little or no fresh funding.
The European Union's 'Fortress Europe' migration policies, which are seen by many African countries as a reminder of Europe's colonial past and involvement in the slave trade, have become one of the biggest obstacles to creating a new EU-Africa policy due to their racist and discriminatory nature.
Recent troubling developments in Tunisia provide a cautionary tale on how the EU's approach to migration from African states has added to strains in EU-Africa relations. It also illustrates how Europe's migration panic and the free pass this gives to certain "transit" African countries is empowering populist leaders who are, in turn, unashamedly and deliberately provoking societal and political disruption.
Once viewed as the only 'success story' of the 'Arab Spring', Tunisia is currently on a perilous political course under president Kais Saied. Tunisian leaders engaged in several democratic reforms between 2011 and 2019 — accumulating anger as well as economic and political mismanagement — which opened up a window for the election of the independent candidate Saied as president.
The new president went on to assume all powers through a 'constitutional coup', immediately freezing the unpopular parliament and then voting in a new constitution which consecrated extensive prerogatives for the head of the executive, a limited role of the parliament and an inexistent independence for the judiciary.
Since then, the regime has been targeting counterpowers, such as harassing and imprisoning the president's main political opponents. The most recent arrest was that of Rached Ghannouchi, prominent opposition leader and head of the Islamist party Ennahdha, which played a significant role in the country's mismanagement post-2011.
Yet, in the absence of an independent judiciary and considering Ghannouchi was arrested for mere commentary, even those who were asking to hold him accountable for years do not consider this good news.
The president has also alienated Tunisia diplomatically and economically, notably through repetitive sabotaging commentaries towards traditional partner countries, international financial institutions and humanitarian organisations. The latest was Saied once again denouncing "foreign diktats" imposed by the IMF — a legitimate concern if the government he formed hadn't been negotiating a deal with the same institution for months.
He has also consistently used inflammatory and unverified narratives on migration, which have ongoing consequences for both the EU and Africa.
For instance, in late February this year, the presidency published a communiqué denouncing what it deemed as a "criminal plot aiming to demographically modify the Tunisian society's composition" through the mass immigration of sub-Saharan Africans.
Directly inspired by the microscopic Tunisian nationalist party's work, the claim is that there is a Western conspiracy to incite sub-Saharan Africans to remain in the country, notably through the work of humanitarian NGOs.
Unsurprisingly, this state-sanctioned racism sparked a wave of citizen and police violence against said migrants. Many lost their homes, their jobs, and were physically and verbally assaulted. A number of migrants also protested for weeks in front of UNHCR's office in Tunis, before being violently evacuated by the police.
Some are choosing to repatriate voluntarily, while others have been attempting to cross the Mediterranean in a rush, leaving Italy to deal with a record-high number of irregular migrants seeking shelter in the country.
No way North
But migrants are unlikely to find a safe home on the other side of the Mediterranean: "Fortress Europe" has been building steel walls and razor-wire fences.
This month, the European Parliament voted on an amendment endorsing the use of EU funds to help build "border barriers". Some lawmakers from the S&D group even broke ranks to support the initiative. Italy also declared a state of emergency on immigration.
"Fortress Europe" is also accelerating the transition of neighbouring southern countries from "transit" to "destination," with neither their consent, nor that of migrants themselves. For example, Tunisia's economy is fragile: it is extremely complicated for low-skilled migrants to obtain work permits, and its own youth is attempting to leave by any means.
The crisis in Tunisia is "very dangerous" according to Josep Borrell, the EU's foreign policy Chief. "If it collapses economically or socially, then we will be in a situation where new flows of migrants will come to Europe. We have to avoid this situation."
Meanwhile, Italy has called on the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to release a $1.9bn [€1.73bn] loan to Tunisia because of fears that the lack of liquidity could further destabilise the country, potentially leading to even greater numbers of migrants departing towards Italy.
President Saied has manipulated a strong anti-colonial and anti-European nationalism fuelled by a mounting economic crisis.
Tunisia's political turmoil is also indicative of the African Union's limits in halting authoritarianism in Africa. In February 2022, the Union's political affairs commissioner stressed its "zero tolerance" towards undemocratic regime changes in Africa during the EU-AU summit in Brussels.
The AU was quick to condemn the Tunisian leader's "great replacement" speech, especially following a number of African countries' emergency repatriations of nationals. Yet, there has been no temporary suspension and certainly no expulsion of Tunisia, since there is neither a legal precedent for such a move, nor a mechanism to truly sanction a member state on grounds of racism.
As it seeks to re-engage with African states in a more modern and inclusive manner, the EU must take a clear-eyed view of how its mismanaged and messy approach to migration from Africa is causing societal and political disruption across the continent — particularly in its southern neighbourhood.
Of course, the EU is not ready to stop enforcing coercive measures to slow down migration, which means it is unlikely to stop supporting authoritarian leaders. Tunisia is no exception, especially considering how important the country is for Italy, a member state whose far-right leadership has been Kais Saied's main supporter in the past months. However, some measures could be taken immediately.
First, improving regular pathways for migration, starting with not using visas as leverage for pressuring Tunisia to take back its irregular migrants. Tunisians have to wait for months and pay exorbitant fees to secure a Schengen visa appointment, and they are increasingly and unjustly being denied. This not only reinforces resentment against Europe, but equally pushes people to resort to unsafe and irregular ways to migrate.
Secondly, the EU should refrain from supporting austerity policies in Tunisia — such as the ones prescribed by the IMF — which will tremendously impact the middle and lower classes and, in turn, boost irregular migration. If working classes across Europe are protesting neoliberal policies and calling out their governments for eroding their standard of living — as we have seen recently in France– imagine the impact austerity has on poorer, more economically volatile countries.
Tunisia is no longer the poster boy of the "Arab Spring". Instead, it has become a tragic example of the collateral damage caused by the EU's restrictive migration policies. "Fortress Europe" is the real reason why Europe and Africa are finding it so difficult to talk to each other as equal partners.
Authors
Shada Islam is senior commentator on geopolitics at the Brussels International Center (BIC).
Yasmine Akrimi is North Africa Analyst. The BIC is an independent, non-profit, think- tank, committed to developing solutions to address the cyclical drivers of insecurity, economic fragility, and conflict the Middle East and North Africa.
Disclaimer
This article is sponsored by a third party. All opinions in this article reflect the views of the author and not of CEMAS.
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Main News
latest news
- The shadow of Israeli settlement expansion hangs over Gaza
- The legal and moral failings of Meloni's Albania deportation deal
- Torture, rape, abuse: New Palestinian testimonies reveal horrors of Israel's prisons
- How Hezbollah built a web of militias and arms supplies in Syria
- Why did Tebboune sign a decree granting military control over public and civil administrations?